IRINA KOBRINSKAYA, LEONID VARDOMSKY, DMYTRO BOYARCHUK

"The main question for the next few years is whether the Kharkiv agreements will become a tool of stabilization, development and rapprochement of Ukraine and Russia", Irina Kobrinskaya.

MICHAEL AVERKO

What follows is a long and updated version of a submitted letter, which was edited and run by The Moscow Times (TMT) on March 18. This is stated with the realization of how news organizations are known for shortening letters for space consideration. With this understanding, I have no objection to how TMT edited my letter. At the same time, there is more to be substantively said about the involved topics. 

OLEKSANDR GAVRYLYUK

Both Tymoshenko and Yanukovych are backed by almighty oligarchic clans, whose interests they are supposed to meet. So will the new president be willing and able to break out the preset paradigm and finally initiate the long-awaited reforms, which would inevitably come into conflict with the oligarchic interests?

YURY YAKIMENKO

The narrow gap shows that it will be difficult for Viktor Yanukovych to seize power and that the two presidential candidates should negotiate with each other.

DMITRY VYDRIN

In the January 17 elections Yuliya Tymoshenko made three system mistakes. Firstly, as I have already said, the exit poll with the results in the interests of Yuliya Tymoshenko was made. She cannot use this technology in the second round, as no one would believe “her” sociologists.

YURY YAKIMENKO

Viktor Yanukovych and Yuliya Tymoshenko are the leaders of the presidential election campaign. There continues to be a 10-15% gap between their approval ratings. Serhyi Tigipko ranks third. The gap between his approval rating and that of Yuliya Tymoshenko is 10%.

VITALY BALA

Ukraine's issue in the context of Russia-EU relations is not of current importance. As regards the foreign-policy issues, the recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia’s independence is of the greatest significance to Moscow now.

YURY YAKIMENKO

According to public opinion polls, conducted in Ukraine, there are three favorites in the presidential race. Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the Party of Regions, ranks first (30%). Yuliya Tymoshenko, Prime Minister, ranks second (20%). Arseny Yatsenyuk, former Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, ranks third (9%).

VADIM KARASYOV

If Viktor Yushchenko wins the 2010 presidential elections, Ukraine will try to withdraw from the CIS. If another presidential candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko wins the elections, Kyiv will seek to restore the “multivector” policy.

VITALY BALA

Dmitry Medvedev’s address to his Ukrainian counterpart Viktor Yushchenko indicates that Russia is acting towards its neighbors like in the early nineties, when the doctrine on Moscow’s exclusive interests in the former Soviet Union prevailed.

VALERY CHALIY

On August 11, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announced his decision to delay the arrival of the new Russian Ambassador in Ukraine. Dmitry Medvedev did it in the address to his Ukrainian counterpart Viktor Yushchenko.

IGOR BURAKOVSKY

At present, in Russia-Ukraine relations the economic issues are of the greatest importance, at least, to Ukraine. The economic crisis has reduced the demand for goods including natural gas, which offers a problem to Ukraine since there is a contracted volume of the Russian gas that should be paid for.

VITALY BALA

Yuliya Tymoshenko’s visit to Moscow on April 29 may raise her rating, especially among the electors from Ukraine’s east and southeast regions who sympathize with Russia and its political leaders, in particular Russian Premier Vladimir Putin.

VADIM KARASYOV

The change of Ukrainians’ social and political attitudes is a natural course of things. During the crisis it's a sign of the sound political system, which is developing on the right track.

VALERY CHALIY

Ukraine doesn’t want to be affected by the problems caused by the U.S.-Russia bad relations. This is one of the reasons why Ukraine is to welcome the fact that the issue of cutbacks in the nuclear arsenal can become of importance to the U.S.A. and Russia again.

STANISLAV PRITCHIN

The Russia-Ukraine gas conflict, which took place in January, is of great importance to Ukraine’s politics in 2009. The presidential election will be held at the beginning of 2010, so all the major Ukrainian policy-makers use the conflict and its settlement for the further political struggle.

YULIYA TISHCHENKO

There are several deep-rooted causes for the President-Prime Minister confrontation in Ukraine. The first one is the presidential election is not far off. Yuliya Tymoshenko is one of the main potential presidential candidates and rivals of both Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych.

VITALY BALA

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko's criticizing Yuliya Tymoshenko’s gas agreements with Russia at the meeting of the Council of National Security and Defense, which was held on February 10, 2009, indicates that the President’s fight against his political competitors has reached an inadmissible level.

DMITRY VYDRIN

Russia-Ukraine gas dispute has had several consequences for the Ukrainian politics. As regards tactics, it led to polarization of views in the Ukrainian political establishment and in the Parliament.

YURY YAKIMENKO

The ruling class has become more consolidated, the positions of President Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko have become closer. But the opposition Party of Regions’ reputation can be tainted and the Party can lose the confidence of its voters in the eastern Ukrainian regions.

ALEKSANDR RAHR

Russia-Ukraine gas conflict has led to reinforcement of the EU's activities in the post-Soviet area.

YEVHEN KOPATKO, GRIGORY PEREPELITSA, ANDREY BLINOV

"I believe that Russia has done everything in its power to block Ukraine’s admission to NATO. Moscow regards Ukraine's non-accession to the NATO membership Action Plan as its victory", Grigory Perepelitsa.

VADIM KARASYOV, VITALY PORTNIKOV

"Currently there are a few people in Ukraine backing Viktor Yushchenko’s nation building and cultural project, and if the early elections were called  the votes could be distributed, in the main, between the Party of Regions and Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc," Vitaly Portnikov said.

VITALY BALA

When Yuliya Tymoshenko was firstly going to visit Russia as Prime Minister after the last parliamentary elections, I believed that this might be a breakthrough in the Russian-Ukrainian relations.

VADIM KARASYOV

We should not discuss the theology issues and the relations within the Orthodox Church. We should discuss the celebration of the 1,020th anniversary of the acceptance of Christianity by Rus where there was a complicated political intrigue.

VITALY PORTNIKOV

The holding of “Sea Breeze” military exercises and Ukraine’s joining NATO should be regarded as two different processes. Some people want to unite them, but Kyiv has not applied for the NATO membership yet. Ukraine has not received the NATO Membership Action Plan and, apparently, will not recieve it in December.

VLADIMIR ZHARIKHIN

The main result to be drawn from the informal CIS summit is that under the new Russian President Dmitry Medvedev Russia's policy in the post-Soviet space will not change drastically.

VALERY CHALIY

It is intolerable that, according to public opinion polls in Russia, Ukraine ranks third among the unfriendly states. In Ukraine Russia ranks first as a friendly one. Probably, this indicates that the information policies in Ukraine and Russia are different.

ANDREY KOKOSHIN, FIRST DEPUTY CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DUMA COMMITTEE ON SCIENCE AND HIGH TECHNOLOGIES; FYODOR LUKYANOV, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF "RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS" MAGAZINE

"The change consists in the fact that Russia can no longer influence the domestic policy of its neighbors. When that became clear Russia chose the pragmatic approach," Fyodor Lukyanov.

KONSTANTIN ZATULIN, ALEXANDER KONOVALOV, TATYANA PARKHALINA, OLES DONIY, LEONID KOZHARA, IVAN ZAETS, ANDREW KUCHINS

"Why do the Central and Eastern European countries seek to join NATO? For many of them it is a way to join the EU. Many countries took this as institutionalization of independence from Moscow. For many countries it was a way to return to Europe," Tatyana Parkhalina.

DMITRY VYDRIN, YEVHEN KOPATKO

"The purpose of the visit is to enlist the Ukrainian diaspora’s support in the U.S. presidential election. The diaspora is quite numerous and has always backed the Republicans. But recently the Republicans have become less popular with the American Ukrainians," Dmitry Vydrin.

YURY YAKIMENKO

As regards the conflict between the President and the Prime Minister, they compete with each other for almost everything. Virtually all of important decisions or steps taken by the Cabinet evoked a reaction from the President’s Secretariat.

VADIM KARASYOV

It seems that the Russian authorities make it clear that as long as Tymoshenko is Prime Minister, Russia doesn’t want to be Ukraine’s partner.

YULIYA TISHCHENKO

The visit of Prime Minister of Ukraine, Yuliya Tymoshenko, to Moscow on February 20-21 was made against a background of deterioration of her relations with President Viktor Yushchenko.

DMITRY VYDRIN

Moscow is afraid of making Yuliya Tymoshenko a counterpart in talks on the gas relations. As a result, Viktor Yushchenko again became the major negotiator with Russia. 

VITALY BALA

No large-scale information campaign on Ukraine’s joining the WTO was conducted in the country. Therefore, the Ukrainians do not understand very well what is in store for them and which advantages and disadvantages for Ukraine the entry conceals.

STANISLAV BELKOVSKY

Under Yuliya Tymoshenko, a kind of the Francoist regime could be formed in Ukraine. It could have positive and negative sides.

VITALY BALA

If to take into account Yatsenyuk’s considerable experience and young age, he may become one of the most promising young ministers, while the government can get a surprise.

ARNAUD DUBIEN

An impression of the recent visits of Viktor Yanukovych to Berlin (February 28, 2007) and Viktor Yushchenko to Brussels (March 8-9, 2007) is that the EU – Ukraine relations are at a complete standstill.

ALEXEY ARBATOV

Evidently, the relations between Russia and its neighboring countries have recently undergone a very thorough change.

VADIM KARASYOV

The visit of the Russian President to Ukraine was a success for both Vladimir Putin and Viktor Yushchenko.

ANDREY MISHIN

The CIS is of great help for the multilateral cooperation with the neighbors. Ukraine’s withdrawal from the CIS would result in the paralysis of the economy, and of the transport infrastructure in the first place.

VADIM KARASYOV

Yushchenko adheres to the eurointegration policy, while Yanukovych’s policy is “euro-oriented”, which includes intense development of the cooperation with the EU and NATO, but not necessarily joining those organizations.

DMITRY VYDRIN

Judging by the Prime Minister’s statements and actions, he in many respects copies the foreign-policy strategy of Ukraine’s ex-President Leonid Kuchma.

Geopolitical influence is an expensive thing. The Soviet Union realized that well supporting the Communist regimes and movements all over the world including Cuba and North Korea. The current Russian authorities also understood that when they agreed that Ukraine would not pay Russia $40 billion for the gas in return for extension of the lease allowing Russia's Black Sea Fleet to be stationed in the Crimea.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych symbolically selected Brussels as his first foreign visit upon taking the oath of office in what can only be seen as an exercise in public relations. The new government of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov headed straight for Moscow shortly thereafter with the sole intention of cutting a deal.

Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine’s new president, may very well prove to all his critics and naysayers that he’s no Russian wannabe, but the burly Donbass boss is still a bear – no less power hungry and ferocious than the ones in Moscow.

Viktor Yanukovych, the bad guy in Ukraine’s pro-democracy movement of 2004, has been inaugurated president, but no one is quite sure what kind of changes he will make in the strategically important but chronically unstable country. Yankovych himself may not have a firm idea of his policy objectives – judging by the vague phrasing he chooses in public appearances.

Another colorful Ukrainian election has been held, to the indifference of many voters and the relief of many foreign investors and governments. And while Victor Yanukovych is still trying to uphold his victory against the legal objections being raised by challenger Yulia Tymoshenko, the law itself could be defrauded.

It is an established fact that Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko has lost his chance to be re-elected. His public support going into the first round on January 17 was dismally low, in what many saw as an indictment of the country’s 2004 Orange Revolution – a pro-Western popular uprising that lifted Yushchenko to power. However, the end of the Yushchenko era may not be as definitive as it seems.

Ukraine first surfaced on the modern world map in the autumn of 2004, during the country’s euphoric Orange Revolution. The streets of Kyiv became a stage of democratic heroism for international television crews. Fear of a real revolution gradually subsided, as the old guard of journalist-killing, all-powerful fat cats seemed to sink into the soiled woodwork of the nation’s dark recent past.

Ukraine is paying more money for less gas from Russia than it ever has, but you wouldn’t have thought so judging by the hostile rhetoric that continues to come from Moscow. "If they don't pay for gas supplies for internal consumption in Ukraine, they won't receive it," Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin recently told reporters in Moscow on November 11.

Almost as soon as Ukraine gained its independence nearly a generation ago, investors and analysts began speaking of the country’s great potential – as the breadbasket of Europe, as a consumer population of 50 million, as a beacon of democracy on the border with Russia, etc. These hopes have still not died, but they are slowly being smothered by a seemingly never ending cycle of disappointments.

Arseny Yatsenyuk has been on Ukraine’s political stage for some time, as the nation’s top banker, top parliamentarian and more than one kind of Cabinet minister. Now, he is running for president, as an alternative to the dynamic trio of President Yushchenko, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and three-time loser Viktor Yanukovych.

Ukrainian politics have been a three-horse race ever since the country’s ethereal Orange Revolution. Some have described this race as democracy – wild and exciting, if not fair or progressive. But with internal divisions, relations with Russia and economic despair worse than ever, most Ukrainians would just like to harness one of these snorting beasts to some vehicle of palpable development, to make him do something useful.

As what promises to be another tumultuous and no doubt vicious Ukrainian presidential election approaches, we are once again reminded of what’s at stake. To some, it’s about the choice between East and West. To others, the elections are part of the growing pains of a fledgling state. As for me, I am reminded of Nestor Makhno, Ukraine’s famous anarchist.

A lot has been written about U.S. Vice President Joe Biden’s recent visit to Kyiv. But the man didn’t say anything earth shattering, because there really wasn’t anything earth shattering to say. More importantly, it really wasn’t clear whom he should have been trying to deliver Washington’s message to in Ukraine, as no one has been in charge of the newly independent country for a long time.

Ever since Russia first turned off the tap at the turn of 2006, during the so-called ‘first gas war’, Ukraine has felt its position as the gas line to Europe under pressure. Before that, the fledgling democracy had bought its gas at a fraction of the market value, with corrupt intermediaries making a windfall on the difference in the prices from exports.

In 2004, as the country readied itself to elect a new president, one who would replace the thoroughly disgraced Leonid Kuchma, there was a feeling that most ordinary and well-placed Ukrainians were gradually falling into line behind the then young and reform-minded hopeful, Viktor Yushchenko.

He first rose to national political prominence in 2002, when he was appointed Ukrainian prime minister under President Leonid Kuchma. Analysts immediately foresaw a shift in power toward the country’s so-called Donetsk clan, which Yanukovych represented.

We all know about the rise and fall of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko. He was respected as the head of the National Bank, then trusted during his short stint as prime minister, and finally swept into the presidency during the country's Orange Revolution. It seemed like a fairy-tale political career - and indeed it was.

Ukraine is dangerously close to a sovereign default, the analysts are telling us. The currency has already dived to nearly half of its value of last summer, along with traded stocks. Worse yet, many of the nation's banks are expected to fail, taking down with them the hopes and savings of a fledgling consumer society.

One of the causes most often given for the start of World War One is the maze of bilateral treaties that had been signed between the European powers of the day. One country was obliged to declare war against another because it had signed a mutual defense pact to come to its ally’s aid in case of an attack.

It is often the case that wars result in a redrawing of international maps or a reshuffling of a country's political deck. Ukraine's recent gas war with Russia appears to be no exception in as much as it is likely to change the face of Europe's energy map while reshuffling the political elite in Kyiv. Wars, however, not only offer up spoils to the victor; they also spoil a lot of other things for those who are involved or not.

For the Russian economy good and bad events took place at the beginning of the year 2009. The good events are the gas dispute with Ukraine and the Gaza Strip war. Many people have been killed, many buildings have been destroyed, which is good for the Russian economy. The situation in the entire Middle East can be destabilized, and then the oil prices will grow again making the Russian government breathe with relief.

The result of the Russia-Ukraine gas conflict, which broke out by tradition on New Year's Eve, is quite predictable – the Russian gas will be supplied to the European consumers but Gazprom’s reputation has been seriously tarnished. In one of the most severe winters Europe does not receive gas, and though Russia tries to shift the blame onto Ukraine (its state collapse is evident), Moscow is also responsible for the conflict.

The lady in braids has shown the political skill and ruthlessness worthy of Russian czars and Bolshevik commissars. The presidential race is still over a year away, and in a country like Ukraine anything can happen in the interim, but for now Ms. Tymoshenko is firmly in control of the chessboard of power in Kyiv.

For centuries, Ukraine's Cossacks were able to play off the superpowers of their time. Some would argue that the survival of the Ukrainian nation depended on a 'flexible' foreign policy. Unfortunately, the result of this policy was a culture of persistent internal division that eventually led to Russian domination.

A report recently released by U.S. intelligence agencies predicts that American influence on the global stage will diminish over the next 15 years, as the rise of powers such as China, India and other third-world giants creates a more multi-polar planet. So where does Ukraine fit into this scenario?

Now, more than any time since the country gained independence 17 years ago, Ukraine looks destined to come back under Russian hegemony. Ironically, the more the pro-Western administration of President Viktor Yushchenko resists this outcome, the greater the chances of it coming about.

It looks like there will be no war between Russia and Ukraine. It is clear that this fact will upset many in Moscow and Kyiv, but, unfortunately, there is a need to face realities. The efforts made by militarism heralds, admirers of Ukrainian hetman Ivan Mazepa and defenders of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet proved to be futile.

It seems that after the conflict with Georgia all we need is to clash with Ukraine. A lot of politicians both in Russia and Ukraine would definitely like it to happen. Caucasian crisis resulted in a new quarrel over Sevastopol, this time provoked by the Ukrainian side.

Since 1991, Ukraine has sat on the fence like a country coquette with her back to her jealous ex-husband Russia, from which the country’s ‘elite’ have nevertheless continued to get rich on cheap gas, while batting her eyes at the glamorous West, which offers lots of nice gifts but never a firm proposal of marriage.

The typical criticism of the UK’s Foreign Office is the one eloquently expressed in John Le Carre’s The Constant Gardener - that they are pitiless practitioners of real-politik who care more about stability than idealism, and who only really work to protect the interests of British corporations, rather than British values. But on Russia, the Foreign Office seems to have erred on the other side.

By sending troops into Georgia earlier this month, the Kremlin has shown its willingness to use force to check the advance of the West into what it considers Russia's zone of influence. The pretext for the invasion, Georgia's military clampdown on its separatist region of South Ossetia, is irrelevant.

On Friday, July 25, the Russian Foreign Ministry released a statement in which it noted that "events dedicated to the 1,020th anniversary of the acceptance of Christianity by Rus are being held in Kyiv in an atmosphere of disrespect toward the Russian Orthodox Church and the feelings of millions of Orthodox believers in Russia and Ukraine."

Remember the shell game, in which the unsuspecting player is challenged to follow a little ball with his eyes as it rolls from under one shell to the next with lightning speed? When the game operator finally stops, the player is asked to guess which shell the ball lies under in order to win a prize. However, in most cases, the operator has already managed to slip the ball into his own hands, thereby making any guess by the player a losing one.

Last weekend saw the visit of Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko to Moscow, where she met with Vladimir Putin for the first time since he went from being Russia’s president to heading his country’s government. During the joint press conference both premiers chose their words carefully, demonstrating the sensitivity of current Russian-Ukrainian relations.

If NATO can bring Ukrainians rule of law and a decent living standard, it would already have justified its expansion. But judging by the way other Western reforms have been perverted in Ukraine, one couldn’t be blamed for having serious doubts. Probably with more candidness, Mr. Yushchenko pointed out that Ukraine can join any international organization that it likes.

Who would think that a banal song contest like Eurovision can trigger new round of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. When Kyiv won the right to host the finals of the 50^th Eurovision contest, Moscow was sick with envy and spent millions to catch up with the Western neighbor. It cost Russia several expensive but futile attempts. And finally at Eurovision 2008 Russian pop singer Dima Bilan won the contest.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko and his one-time ally Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko have increasingly traded blows over the country’s budget, privatization, energy policy and, most recently, the Kyiv mayoral elections; however, when it comes to foreign policy, the two politicians who rose to power during Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution show unusual and possibly even unintended solidarity.

The crusade to raise the Ukrainian language heads and shoulders above Russian continues apace in Kyiv and other parts of the country, but as with most crusades, it’s not clear what the end goal is. Ukraine’s State Cinema Service recently announced that all films made in Ukraine must be in Ukrainian starting in July. All foreign films shown in Ukraine are already required to be dubbed or subtitled in Ukrainian.

Over the holiday-filled weekend, Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov arrived in the history-filled city of Sevastopol to challenge the history and geopolitical relations of Ukraine and Russia. The official purpose of Mr. Luzhkov's visit was to take part in the celebration of the 225th anniversary of the Russian Black Sea Fleet, which fell on Europe Day (May 11) and just after Victory Day (May 9).

Russian Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov led a government delegation to Kyiv on April 25. It was only a one-day visit, and Zubkov is expected to be replaced sometime this month anyway, following the inauguration of the new Russian president.

NATO leaders arrived for their summit in Bucharest last week in an atmosphere of uncertainty bordering on mistrust. Outgoing US president George Bush continued to push for the inclusion of Ukraine and Georgia into the alliance, while European heavyweights Germany and France voiced the opposition of older member states to further eastern expansion.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko has made international recognition of the Holodomor his personal crusade. Good for him. The famine of 1932-1933 claimed some six to eight million Ukrainian lives - as much as a quarter of the population - and it wasn’t a natural catastrophe. Yushchenko wants the Holodomor recognized as genocide, thus putting Ukraine’s tragedy on the same level as the Jewish Holocaust.

Just into his fourth year as president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko is beginning to act a lot like the man he replaced during the country's Orange Revolution. Former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma is often remembered for waffling on Western integration, crushing freedom of speech and overseeing a state apparatus steeped in corruption.

Once again, Russia has resorted to threats and bullying in an ongoing effort to keep Ukraine subservient. And once again, its weapon of choice is gas. Most colonial divorces have been characterized by the colony cutting off the colonizer from its supply of natural resources. But with Russia, the situation is exactly the opposite - at least that's the way it seems on the surface.

Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s long running efforts to break the stranglehold on her country’s gas supplies are beginning to pay off – due to assistance from an unlikely ally. Russia, which has been widely accused of using gas sales to put geopolitical pressure on Ukraine and other Western neighbors, now appears to be cleaning up its act.

The issue of whether Ukraine should join NATO has returned to the public agenda, sparking off heated debates between supporters and opponents of the country’s bid. In the past, such polemics have usually meant proponents of Euro-Atlantic unity coming under attack by pro-Russian factions in the run up to an important election or a NATO-sponsored military exercise on home soil.

It’s a new year, and Ukraine has a new government headed by a fiery reformer with a penchant for making high-stake gambles. Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko is known as the gas queen – more for how she earned her money back in the 1990’s than for how she has tried to clean up her country’s gas sector in more recent years. But clean it up she has tried, against highly formidable of opponents at home and abroad.

Reports of racism and anti-Semitism in Ukraine climbed to prominence in the nation’s media last month. Whether this had anything to do with the October 14 commemoration of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) is a matter of speculation. On that day, a few people exhibiting Nazi symbols took part in a parade otherwise composed of Ukrainian nationalists.

According to a recent poll, only just over 50 percent of Ukrainians consider August 24th a real holiday, while around 42 percent think it's just a day off. With that kind of attitude, one wonders whether Soviet apologists who accuse the West of engineering the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Ukrainian independence, were right.

If you want to punish someone for doing something that isn’t considered wrong by everyone else, it’s very convenient to come up with another justification, even if you have to dig it up from the past. Speaking in Moscow on the eve of the G-8 summit in Germany, Putin said that Russia was through with subsidizing Ukraine and other post-Soviet states with energy resources.

If the EU is having trouble finding a common language with the Kremlin, what does this mean for Ukraine, which continues to awkwardly straddle the east-west divide in search of stability? Friday’s Russia-EU summit in Samara was supposed to address touchy issues like human rights and energy supplies. But judging by the press conference held thereafter, both sides agreed not to agree.

Ukraine’s next president will inherit a nation in the throes of a spiraling economic crisis still searching for the bottoming out point.

The War once again showed that the Ukrainian leadership had dismally failed to take any steps to improve the country’s enormous energy inefficiency.

Gazprom 'Harms Russian Interests', Ukraine Refuses To Compromise.

On 2 October 2008, thanks to long preparatory work, negotiations between Russian and Ukrainian prime ministers, Yuliya Tymoshenko and Vladimir Putin took place after all, and were fairly successful.

A Gallup Poll found a strong majority of Ukrainians (65%) saying their leadership is taking the country in the wrong direction and only about one in six (16%) expressing confidence in their national government.

This week all those involved in the current stage of the permanent Ukrainian political crisis played a kind of make-believe game. Inside Ukraine the President made believe a coup d’etat and in Europe he made believe “a normal democratic process.”

Strangely enough, the long-awaited political event that happened last week came as a bolt from the blue, especially to those who had been working the hardest for it. The scared leaders put up a brave front, trying to make everyone believe that it was all in their plans.

This year the question of Ukraine’s ability to adequately respond to internal and external challenges arose in a new aspect. The events in South Ossetia posed a new question: is Ukraine able to defend itself if confronted with a military threat?

Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, Acting Chief of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), was officially recalled from vacation on August 14, but he returned to his Kyiv office several days earlier.

Since the collapse of the USSR and the Orange Revolution, Ukraine has passed through three defining moments of statehood.   The most significant of these moments was the establishment of Ukraine as an independent state.

Regrettably enough, Ukraine’s image created by the Russian mass media and Russia’s image as created by the Ukrainian mass media are far from the truth. So what is Russia really like today?

Ukraine, in the wake of its Orange Revolution, has earned the image of a leading post-Soviet country regarding the pace of liberal reform. However, this perception of the country is to a large extent a kind of payment in advance rather than a reflection of actual results.

Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine are neither an ethnic sub-community of the Russian nation nor a part of the “Russian world”.

Interview with Volodymyr Ohryzko, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

"NATO has always taken Russia into account when considering the modalities of enlargement, the timing of it and the likely consequences of it. But it has never granted Russia a veto over this process or a role to play in it," James Sherr. 

Days before the NATO summit in Bucharest began, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili rolled out a new peace initiative for breakaway Abkhazia.

Last Friday, Yuliya Tymoshenko and Oleh Dubina, were to report to the President of Ukraine on the results of the gas talks with Gazprom.

By legalizing Gazporom in our market, we won’t have any impulse for re-equipping the power-consuming industries – we will live under the patronage of Gazprom.

The problem of uncontrollable processes in the Crimean Autonomous Republic confronts not only the representative body named Mejlis...because the unsolved vital problems of Crimean Tartar returnees pose a serious threat to national security.

It seemed that the talks about gas relations between Russia and Ukraine and between Gazprom and Naftagaz Ukraine were taking their normal course... before November 22.

Ukraine should not hesitate to say to its younger brother, Russia, that it should learn Ukrainian political culture.

Ukraine has been shaken not only by numerous post-election events but by serious cataclysms in the energy sphere recently. The President’s meeting with journalists was devoted to exactly this topic.

Tymoshenko has learned a lesson from her recent premiership and this time, of course if she manages to enter the same river twice, she will not take thoughtless steps.

Unlike the Russian side, Ukraine does not put up a united front in negotiations. A big battle is going on between influential business and political groups in Ukraine.

The gas price of $130 offered by ‘fraternal’ Gazprom and RosUkrEnergo made Yanukovych’s government ‘tighten screws’ in the domestic gas market.

On the eve of 2007 we put seven questions to Ukraine’s most competent and influential persons in the field of foreign policy.

Vladimir Putin can hardly call 2006 “a year of missed opportunities in relations with Ukraine”, which is what they said about 2005. The victory of the Russian “gas weapon” alone is worth a dozen!

Suppose in 2007 Russians will, indeed, transport 7-8 million tons of oil via Ukraine. How long will it last? Until they build their alternative pipeline?

It was a good pretext for him [Lavrov] to have a close look at the processes in this country, probe into the strengths and weaknesses of the political leadership. All of this is important in the context of Vladimir Putin’s forthcoming visit to Ukraine. 

RosUkrEnergo contracted 55 billion cubic meters of natural gas supplied from Middle Asia, $130 per 1000 cubic meters. Officials consider it their diplomatic victory while the opposition believes it is a defeat.