Main page                           
Eurasian Home - analytical resource



JULES  EVANS, LONDON
PUTIN’S POLICY OF ‘OBNOXIOUS RISE’

Print version               


I don’t understand why Vladimir Putin feels the need to be so belligerent and obnoxious in international relations.

OK, he’s aggressively asserting Russia’s new economic power, and it plays well with some insecure people at home who prefer to be ‘feared’ by foreign powers rather than free in their own country.

But there’s no need to be so belligerent, and ultimately it defeats his own aims.

We can compare his foreign policy with China’s, which has been pursuing its policy of ‘peaceful rise’ for a decade, and reaping the benefits.

The policy of peaceful rise was first articulated in a speech by Zheng Bijan, vice-principal of the central party school of the Communist Party, in 2003. He pointed out that in the past, a rise of a new power often resulted in drastic changes to global political structures, and even war (i.e. the hegemonic stability theory in international relations).

He believed that this was because these powers "chose the road of aggression and expansion, which will ultimately fail." Zheng stated that in today's new world, the PRC should instead develop peacefully, and in turn help to maintain a peaceful international environment.

What have been the consequences of this policy? Relations with the US are constructive. The two recognize that power is not a zero-sum game, that their interests are closely connected through international trade and finance.

That means American companies can do good business in China and vice versa.

It gives China a good image, as a dynamic, impressive and interesting place, a place where you want to hold international events like the Olympics, a place whose products are attractive to global consumers, including cultural products like literature or cinema. We respect China, are intrigued by its culture, want to go there, find out more.

And then you have Putin’s policy of ‘obnoxious rise’.

Putin seems to have taken it into his head that just because he now can insult the US, the WTO, the EU or whoever it is he's irritated with, he should.

The Kremlin can sometimes behave like the stereotypical worst type of Russian tourist: nouveau riche, vulgar and obnoxious, throwing their weight around in hotels, treating waiters like serfs, and generally annoying the other guests (I'm talking about the stereotypical bad Russian tourist, as we know, there are many lovely ones).

We do business with the Kremlin, because it has lots of money. But we don’t really respect it. Why should we? Its rising power is not the product of some brilliant new economic policies or innovations. It’s just from oil. Not even oil that the state worked to take out of the ground – it just grabs projects that private companies have developed.

The consequence of Russia’s unnecessary belligerence and awkwardness is that Russian companies are less welcome abroad, less able to buy into foreign economies. Russia is less likely to be awarded the right to hold events like the Winter Olympics (I bet you any money Sochi doesn’t win its bid, despite the billions of dollars the Kremlin has put into it). Russia is not seen as a place to visit as a tourist. It’s not seen as a friendly or welcoming place.

Russia’s stock market is the worst performing stock market in the world this year. Why, when its GDP is growing by 7-8% a year? Putin himself asked the same question bewilderedly last month. Why don’t foreign investors like us, when we are so rich!

One of the reasons, perhaps, is because Putin goes around shooting his mouth off and comparing the US to Nazi Germany, and this gives the impression that Russia is some unstable or aggressive place not fully integrated into the international community.

And international leaders are less inclined to turn to the Kremlin for discussion or cooperation. Why should they? Blair and Bush came to Russia for the G8 summit, and Putin openly insulted them, on live TV, when they were standing beside him. The Kremlin sends out its KGB-bribed little kids, Nashi, to harangue diplomats, to harass them in the street, against every decent idea of international relations.

Who wants to be a guest in a country that insults its guests?

Russia thinks that the West’s problems with it are just because Russia is increasingly powerful, and the West doesn’t like it. It prefers it when Russia is weak, because then we’re strong. Power, Russia thinks, is a zero-sum game.

Nonsense.

First of all, Russia is not that powerful. It only has a population of 140 million. That’s 80 million less than Indonesia. Much of its country is still very undeveloped. It needs an incredible amount of capital to re-build its infrastructure, and the state’s puny little $1 billion investment fund ain’t gonna be enough. And its GDP is still smaller than mighty Portugal’s. OK, Russia isn’t a basket case anymore. But it’s hardly an economic superpower.

Secondly, the West doesn’t view other countries whose economies are growing very quickly with fear or irritation. Brazil is a new economic power, so is India, so is China, so is South Korea. We get on fine with them. We actually look up to them, welcome the influx of new ideas and new energy into the international system, admire their products and their innovations. We are not afraid of a multi-polar world.

It’s only Russia, and perhaps Venezuela and Iran – regimes with inferiority complexes – who feel the need to thumb their noses at the West. Such rudeness doesn’t suggest strength. It suggests insecurity.

Thirdly, many people around the world, like me, are only too prepared to welcome Russia’s new strength, to respect the outstanding cultural gifts it has given the world, to warm to its people, particularly people my age, who are so hard-working, so international, so able to adapt to new circumstances.

People are more than happy to welcome the new Russia to a position of international prominence, to like the new Russia and celebrate it. Stop making it so hard for us.

Jules Evans, a British freelance journalist based in Moscow.

June 14, 2007



Our readers’ comments



There are no comments on this article.

You will be the first.

Send a comment

Other materials on this topic
Hot topics
Opinion
THE HEILIGENDAMM LESSON
Boris Kagarlitsky

15.06.2007

On my airplane journey from Berlin back to Moscow I was looking through the Russian press. The front page stories were devoted to the G8 meeting and the counter-summit held in Heiligendamm and Rostock, respectively. I was really astounded with what I read there. I had a strong impression that all the Russian journalists had participated in some different Summit, somewhere in a different country.



Our authors
  Ivan  Gayvanovych, Kiev

THE EXCHANGE

27 April 2010


Geopolitical influence is an expensive thing. The Soviet Union realized that well supporting the Communist regimes and movements all over the world including Cuba and North Korea. The current Russian authorities also understood that when they agreed that Ukraine would not pay Russia $40 billion for the gas in return for extension of the lease allowing Russia's Black Sea Fleet to be stationed in the Crimea.



  Aleh  Novikau, Minsk

KYRGYZ SYNDROME

20 April 2010


The case of Kurmanbek Bakiyev is consistent with the logic of the Belarusian authorities’ actions towards the plane crash near Smolensk. The decisions not to demonstrate the “Katyn” film and not to announce the mourning were made emotionally, to spite Moscow and Warsaw, without thinking about their consequences and about reaction of the society and the neighbouring countries.



  Akram  Murtazaev, Moscow

EXPLOSIONS IN RUSSIA

16 April 2010


Explosions take place in Russia again. The last week of March started with terrorist acts at the Moscow metro stations which were followed by blasts in the Dagestani city of Kizlar. The horror spread from the metro to the whole city.



  John  Marone, Kyiv

POOR RELATIONS – THE UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENT GOES TO MOSCOW

29 March 2010


Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych symbolically selected Brussels as his first foreign visit upon taking the oath of office in what can only be seen as an exercise in public relations. The new government of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov headed straight for Moscow shortly thereafter with the sole intention of cutting a deal.



  Boris  Kagarlitsky, Moscow

THE WRATH DAY LIKE A GROUNDHOG DAY

25 March 2010


The protest actions, which the Russian extraparliamentary opposition had scheduled for March 20, were held as planned, they surprised or frightened nobody. Just as it had been expected, the activists of many organizations supporting the Wrath Day took to the streets… but saw there only the policemen, journalists and each other.



  Jules  Evans, London

COLD SNAP AFTER SPRING IN THE MIDDLE EAST

17 June 2009


As I write, angry demonstrations continue in Tehran and elsewhere in the Islamic Republic of Iran, over what the young demonstrators perceive as the blatant rigging of the presidential election to keep Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power for another five years. Reports suggest at least eight protestors have been killed by police.



  Kevin  O'Flynn, Moscow

THE TERRIBLE C-WORD

08 December 2008


The cri… no the word will not be uttered. Now that President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin have finally allowed themselves to belatedly use the word, it’s becoming increasingly difficult for me to spit it out of these lips. It’s c-this and c-that. If there was C-Span in Russia then it would be c-ing all day and all night long.



 events
 news
 opinion
 expert forum
 digest
 hot topics
 analysis
 databases
 about us
 the Eurasia Heritage Foundation projects
 links
 our authors
Eurasia Heritage Foundation