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THE GEORGIAN TIMES: WITH OR WITHOUT RUSSIA?
There are seven candidates vying for the presidency in the January election, and each one has staked out a position on Georgia’s foreign policy. Most put Euro-Atlantic and NATO integration front and center, but good relations with Russia is, for some, another major consideration. It remains unclear, however, how the country can work to join NATO and get along with Moscow at the same time. The Georgian Times has summed up the foreign policy platform of the candidates, based on campaign statements they have released, and asked political analyst Kakha Gogolashvili for comment.
Gogolashvili, to begin with, says the candidate’s campaign material is poorly organized and difficult to analyze.
“Almost all of the candidates’ platforms overlap each other, with only slight differences in trivial things. Most stress rapid integration into NATO, and simultaneously improving relations with Russia.
Given the widely-held perception that the poor relations with Russia are a direct result of Georgia’s political course talking the country towards NATO and the EU, it will be interesting to see how the candidates propose achieving what seem like mutually exclusive goals,” he says.
Levan Gachechiladze, the nine-party opposition coalition’s joint candidate, says his ambition is to see Georgia join NATO and the EU. Only a country which represents the interests of a free society can join the European community, he says, emphasizing that Georgia must guarantee the security and well-being of every citizen. His foreign policy goals are NATO and EU integration, improvement of relations with Russia without compromising Georgian national interests, the restoration of the culture of the Caucasus and withdrawal from the CIS.
Gachechiladze lists the issue of Georgia’s territorial integrity among its foreign policy priorities.
“Our choice is to make Georgia’s territorial integrity the primary priority of domestic and foreign policy,” he says. “The key to Sukhumi and Tskhinvali lies not in Moscow or Washington, but here in Tbilisi, Zugdidi, Gori, Telavi, and in a word, in the whole of Georgia.
The opposition coalition supports only the peaceful settlement of the conflicts, but believes that Russia should be recognized as a party in the conflict, rather than a mediator.
Gogolashvili argues it’s not surprising that the opposition coalition has put the issue of territorial integrity into its foreign policy goals.
“They have a former foreign minister in the party, she knows it’s an important thing,” he explains.
Another presidential candidate, Davit Gamkrelidze, states he “believes in God and has the strength” to ensure Georgia’s security with a proper defense strategy and effective foreign policy. Gachechiladze isn’t the only one to look for NATO support. If he wins the presidency, Gamkrelidze says, Georgia will regain its chance at NATO membership, which he says will guarantee Georgia’s territorial integrity and democratic development.
Another goal for Gamkrelidze is rapprochement with Russia. “We will establish partnership relations with neighboring countries, among them Russia,” his mission statement says. “Our nearest goal will be the abolishment of the visa regime and the economic embargo with Russia.”
While Gamkrelidze seeks friendly relations with Russia, he also wants Russian-led CIS peacekeepers to leave the conflict zones.
Beyond that, Gamkrelidze’s party wants to “create a single economic space in the Caucasus, by the way of harmonization of legislation.” Furthermore, the party wants to ensure that cooperation with the European Union under the European Neighborhood Policy is more concrete and effective.
Gogolashvili sees that all as a bit vague.
“It’s unclear what they mean in their ‘Caucasian Neighborhood Policy’—to create a free economic space in the Caucasus, or to integrate into the free economic area within the European Union? If they mean the creation of a free market in the Caucasus, such an idea is utopian, because Armenia and Azerbaijan will not agree on multilateral relations,” he says.
Gogolashvili also comments on Gamkrelidze’s stance on the CIS peacekeepers. The idea of withdrawal is good, the analyst argues, but difficult to carry out.
“If CIS troops leave Georgian territory, Russian troops will stay,” he predicts. “Moscow will find many reasons to justify staying: demands from the Abkhaz side, to protect Russian citizens, to defend human rights, and so on. So, Gamkrelidze’s intentions are good, but unrealistic.”
Labor Party candidate Shalva Natelashvili promises “Peace and Victory to You and Your Family,” underlining that Georgia will continue to move toward NATO and the EU—but that relations with Russia will improve as well. Economic and transport links with the northern neighbor will be restored, he pledges.
Gogolashvili was a little surprised to see the Labor Party espousing Euro-Atlantic integration. Not long ago, the analyst recalls, Natelashvili was speaking about Georgia’s “neutrality,” but now seems to have hopped in the same boat as the others.
Incumbent presidential candidate Mikheil Saakashvili wants to see “Georgia without poverty.” His foreign policy stance is clear, having steered the country for four years. His campaign literature, however, reiterates that Saakashvili will work to enhance Euro-Atlantic integration and get close to the EU; promote regional cooperation with neighbors; and settle the secessionist conflicts by mobilizing international support.
Gogolashvili points out that in Saakashvili’s platform, Russia gets little attention for such an important factor.
Gia Maisashvili speaks of being the “President of the Future.” His campaign staff hasn’t released full policy details yet, but the Georgian Times spoke with campaign head Givi Gigauri, who said that Maisashvili’s top foreign policy priority is to improve relations with Russia.
“This is what Georgians are most concerned about,” Gigauri stated. “Our territorial integrity is based on our relations with Russia. We must begin dialogue with Moscow and restore economic ties, because Russia is an important market for Georgian production. The second foreign policy priority will, of course, be European integration. After we patch up our relations with Russia, we can move forward to the EU.”
The third priority, Gigauri added, is friendly relations with the United States.
Gogolashvili sees those suggestions as ignoring current circumstances.
“We cannot stop the integration process toward NATO and the EU, preserve it while improving relations with Russia, and then restart again,” he said. Irina Sarishvili's campaign platform, called “Seven Steps for the Well-Being of Our Families,” radically differs from the others. She calls for Georgian neutrality in foreign policy, which she argues is the only way to guarantee the country’s national security. Georgia’s location, Sarishvili suggests, allows the country to maintain a balanced foreign policy.
More specifically, she would withdraw from any political or military alliances, including both the CIS and NATO; refuse permission for foreign states to base troops on Georgian territory; and establish independent relations with other states.
The idea of Georgian neutrality predates the country’s independence, Gogolashvili comments. “Sometimes, our country is even compared with Switzerland. The idea of neutrality is good, but Georgia needs foreign resources. If we take a path of neutrality, we will lose international support and then become a target of those who are most powerful,” he says.
Badri Patarkatsishvili’s campaign did not offer any details on his foreign policy stances, though the business tycoon had previously proposed a “balanced” strategy of international relations for Georgia.
Gogolashvili, meanwhile, believes the Georgian people made their choice long ago. “Our country has firmly decided to move towards Euro-Atlantic integration,” he says.
“No government can turn from this course.” While it is important to establish good relations with Moscow, he adds, Georgia can survive without Russia.
Kristina Pataraia, Tia Vashakidze
The Georgian Times, December 24, 2007
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