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“BORIS BEREZOVSKY’S HAND” IN GEORGIAN POLITICS
ZAAL ANJAPARIDZE,
Political analyst, Tbilisi
The Georgian society and political elite seem to have got accustomed to the idea that the mighty of this world have made Georgia the arena for their social and political experiments and that they are able to change a lot in the country by using their powerful resources. After the “Rose Revolution” there have been more and more conversations that the rich and influential people are interfering in the domestic affairs of Georgia. At first, the alleged “Soros’ Hand” in Georgia had become the talks of the town, especially after confession of the billionaire and philanthropist George Soros that he had contributed to the victory of the “Rose Revolution” through the Georgian branch of his Foundation. However, Georgia is still very far from the Soros-nurtured “open society.”
Since 2000 the “hand” of influential oligarch Badri Patarkatsishvili could be felt in Georgia. He also tried to implement his vision of the society development in Georgia. Patarkatsishvili invested much in the creation of the relatively independent media outlets that soon stuck in the Georgian government’s craw and resulted in the open conflict with Patarkatsishvili. The conflict forced Patarkatsishvili to involve himself in politics and he publicly promised to spend all his money to the last penny on overthrowing Mikheil Saakashvili’s “authoritarian regime”. It seemed that the oligarch’s untimely death under suspicious circumstances put an end to his plans towards Georgia.
But for some reason, Georgia is continuing to attract influential people seeking to improve the situation there or even change it radically. Patarkatsishvili’s influential companion-in-arms Boris Berezovsky came up to take his place. Berezovsky who is fighting to change the existing regime in Russia now has turned his eye to the much smaller Georgia.
It looks like the Georgians will feel “Berezovsky’s hand” soon. The other day Berezovsky clarified the hints which he had dropped about his moral responsibility and his wish to continue Patarkatsishvili’s work. In an interview with the Georgian pro-governmental television company Rustavi-2 Berezovsky told the Georgian citizens that thereafter his Foundation of Civil Liberties would monitor the quality of the Georgian democracy. Several international donor organizations have been working in Georgia for several years to build the western-style civil society and strengthen civil liberties in the country. To their surprise after the “Rose Revolution” the majority of NGOs, instrumental in the “Rose Revolution”, scaled down their civic activities, or began to collaborate with the authorities. So, naturally, if Berezovsky's Foundation is allowed to work, it is expected to introduce some novelties making it possible to shake up Georgia's ailing civil sector.
It is difficult to agree with Mr. Berezovsky that he and the Georgian branch of his Foundation will have nothing to do with the politics. In the interview Berezovsky said that Georgia had backslidden on democracy, the authorities had got bogged down in corruption and authoritarianism and that following the November 7 events (dispersal of the peaceful rally in Tbilisi by the police on November 7, 2007) the opposition had the moral right to oust the regime that did not express the Georgian people’s will any longer, etc. All of the theses are painfully familiar to the current Georgian authorities who used similar messages during the “Rose Revolution”. By the way, the two Georgian revolutions, in 1991 and 2003, that led to the unconstitutional change of power, were engineered under the banner of civil liberties and democracy.
It comes natural that Berezovsky’s Foundation will heavily try to influence policy in Georgia. After all, protection of democracy and civil liberties, which currently are significantly curtailed, is married to politics and political will of the elected authorities.
Berezovsky’s interview made an impression that he had not revealed his intentions fully, which is quite understandable. Berezovsky did not say to the public that he was going to wage war against Georgian government in the same way as he does in Russia.
However, his broad hint that “the opposition understands the situation well but lacks willpower to resist the illegal actions by the authorities” is very telling and, of course, will make the Georgian authorities take preventative measures. Through his revelations Berezovsky gave cause for Saakashvili’s team to depict him together with the opposition parties as a threat to the country. Saakashvili’s team used to do the same thing towards Patarkatsishvili zealously and successfully when accusing him of financing the coup d’etat. The “Berezovsky factor” can be used by the authorities as a counterpropaganda tool against the opposition before the parliamentary election.
Probably, the opposition leaders keep the past in mind and they have unanimously disavowed their connections with Berezovsky. But right after the interview Rustavi-2 television company “followed up on the subject” and ascribed the famous Georgian public figures and experts, who are independent and do not grovel before the authorities, to Berezovsky’s Foundation that has not been established yet.
We can agree with Boris Berezovsky about one thing. The permission for establishing the Georgian branch of Berezovsky’s Foundation will be indeed a severe test for the Georgian authorities for their adherence to the democratic principles.
March 26, 2008
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